Horst D. Deckert

Meine Kunden kommen fast alle aus Deutschland, obwohl ich mich schon vor 48 Jahren auf eine lange Abenteuerreise begeben habe.

So hat alles angefangen:

Am 1.8.1966 begann ich meine Ausbildung, 1969 mein berufsbegleitendes Studium im Öffentlichen Recht und Steuerrecht.

Seit dem 1.8.1971 bin ich selbständig und als Spezialist für vermeintlich unlösbare Probleme von Unternehmern tätig.

Im Oktober 1977 bin ich nach Griechenland umgezogen und habe von dort aus mit einer Reiseschreibmaschine und einem Bakelit-Telefon gearbeitet. Alle paar Monate fuhr oder flog ich zu meinen Mandanten nach Deutschland. Griechenland interessierte sich damals nicht für Steuern.

Bis 2008 habe ich mit Unterbrechungen die meiste Zeit in Griechenland verbracht. Von 1995 bis 2000 hatte ich meinen steuerlichen Wohnsitz in Belgien und seit 2001 in Paraguay.

Von 2000 bis 2011 hatte ich einen weiteren steuerfreien Wohnsitz auf Mallorca. Seit 2011 lebe ich das ganze Jahr über nur noch in Paraguay.

Mein eigenes Haus habe ich erst mit 62 Jahren gebaut, als ich es bar bezahlen konnte. Hätte ich es früher gebaut, wäre das nur mit einer Bankfinanzierung möglich gewesen. Dann wäre ich an einen Ort gebunden gewesen und hätte mich einschränken müssen. Das wollte ich nicht.

Mein Leben lang habe ich das Angenehme mit dem Nützlichen verbunden. Seit 2014 war ich nicht mehr in Europa. Viele meiner Kunden kommen nach Paraguay, um sich von mir unter vier Augen beraten zu lassen, etwa 200 Investoren und Unternehmer pro Jahr.

Mit den meisten Kunden funktioniert das aber auch wunderbar online oder per Telefon.

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It’s Time for Texas to Physically Prevent Illegal Aliens From Crossing the Border

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Let the Biden administration and the Mexican government squawk all they want, but don’t let those illegal aliens cross the border.

The state of Texas recently passed Senate Bill 4, making unauthorized entry into Texas from Mexico a crime, punishable by up to six months in jail.

S.B. 4 is currently tied up in federal courts.

But even if Texas receives court authorization for S.B. 4, the law is already opposed by the Mexican government, which closely follows U.S. immigration policies and politics and then meddles accordingly.

The Washington Post just published an article by Mary Beth Sheridan about resistance to S.B. 4 entitled, “Mexico, a key U.S. ally on migration, pushes back hard on Texas law.”

It’s questionable that Mexico is our “ally on migration.” As I have reported for years, the Mexican government utilizes migration as a tool to further its interests in the United States.

Anyway, here’s how Sheridan begins her article:

After years of bowing to U.S. pressure to help slow migration, Mexico is drawing the line at a Texas law that would give the state a dramatically bigger role in border enforcement, including the right to deport undocumented migrants. President Andrés Manuel López Obrador has denounced the measure as “draconian.” He says his government will reject any attempt by Texas officials to send migrants back to Mexico.

All these people who crossed the border from Mexico to Texas did so either because 1) Mexico allowed it, or 2) Mexico wasn’t able to stop them. Either way, they entered from Mexico.

Yet here is Presidente AMLO saying Mexico won’t take them back.

The Washington Post interviewed Mexico’s foreign minister Alicia Barcena about it.

In an interview with The Washington Post, Foreign Minister Alicia Bárcena said the government would put “increased vigilance and controls” at border crossings to prevent such removals if the law goes into effect. That raises the specter of standoffs between Mexican and Texas state or local agents over attempted deportations.

“We are not going to accept any return, either of Mexicans or non-Mexicans, from local, state or county authorities in Texas,” she said Wednesday night [March 20].

Furthermore:

Bárcena said the Mexican government has instructed the 11 Mexican consulates in Texas and the national immigration agency “not to accept under any circumstances any kind of returns by local or county authorities” in Texas.

Mexico has 52 consulates on U.S. territory. It’s the world’s biggest consular network yet you hardly hear about it in the media.

“There are some border crossings at which, of course, we’d put increased vigilance and controls,” [Barcena] said. “Because we can’t allow this to happen.”

She sounds very determined.

If the law [S.B. 4] is upheld, it could set off the biggest political crisis on the border since 2019, when President Donald Trump threatened to impose tariffs if Mexico didn’t choke off migration.

What a difference U.S. presidential leadership makes!

But unlike then, the Mexican government is on the same page as the [Biden] White House, saying migration agreements can only be forged by national governments — not states.

The problem is that the federal government is intentionally not doing its job.

Mexico’s political parties have closed ranks around the government, with leading candidates in the June 2 presidential election condemning the Texas law. “We have to stiffen our leg,” said Xóchitl Gálvez, the top opposition candidate, using a soccer expression meaning to hold one’s ground. “Because the way they’re treating migrants is unacceptable.”

All Mexican political factions are in agreement on this issue.

So what should Texas security forces do?

Dealing with detainees is a massive headache.

The best solution is to prevent them from even entering.

Texas forces should be organized to physically prevent illegal aliens from crossing the border.

Regarding details, see a recent post by “Federale,” a 24-year veteran of INS and DHS. Federale analyzes a recent riot at the border at El Paso and explains how such an uprising should be handled.

Prevention of unauthorized entry should be the strategy of Texas security forces.

Let the Biden administration and the Mexican government squawk all they want, but don’t let those illegal aliens cross the border.


One of the most monstrous families on Earth is fading away.

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